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Introduction
Overview &
Methodology
The Rankings
Summary of Results
THE
INDICATORS
PART
I: KNOWLEDGE JOBS
Managerial,
Professional, and Technical Jobs

Workforce
Education
PART II: GLOBALIZATION
Export Focus
of Manufacturing
PART III: ECONOMIC
DYNAMISM
"Gazelle"
Jobs

Job Churning

New Publicly
Traded Companies
PART IV: THE DIGITAL
ECONOMY
Online Population

Broadband Telecommunications
Capacity

Computer Use
in Schools

Commercial Internet
Domain Names

Internet
Backbone
PART V: INNOVATION
CAPACITY
High-Tech Jobs

Degrees Granted
in Science and Engineering

Patents

Academic Research
and Development Funding

Venture Capital
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
STRATEGIES
Data Sources
The Metropolitan
Areas and their Major Cities
Weighting Methodology
Endnotes
The Authors

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Job Churning
A score based on the number of new start-ups and business failures
within each metro.
Why Is This Important? Steady growth in employment masks the constant
churning of job creation and destruction, as less innovative and efficient
companies downsize or go out of business and more innovative and efficient
companies grow and take their place. For example, a total of 3.5 million
private sector jobs were added to the U.S. economy between 1994 and 1995,
but that was after new firms had created 5.7 million jobs, failing firms
eliminated 4.5 million jobs, expanding firms added 10.5 million jobs,
and contracting firms eliminated 8.2 million others. This churning has
accelerated over the last three decades as the number of new start-ups
and existing business failures per year has grown. While such turbulence
increases the economic risk faced by workers, companies, and even regions,
it is also a major driver of economic innovation and growth.
The Rankings: Some fast-growing metropolitan areas (like Denver,
Atlanta, Las Vegas, and Phoenix) have seen a great deal of churning. In
part, this is because fast-growing economies produce more start-ups, especially
in locally focused industries (such as restaurants, dry cleaners, or accountants).
But a high churn rate also reflects a dynamism that leads to the death
of old, outmoded firms and the creation of innovative new companies that
sell outside the metro. Many metropolitan areas rooted in the traditional
manufacturing sector, such as Rochester, Cincinnati, Detroit, and Pittsburgh,
have low levels of both new growth and loss, suggesting economies that
are stable, without the kind of "creative destruction" that
leads to faster restructuring for the New Economy.

 |
 |
100th-76th
Percentile |
 |
 |
75th-51st
Percentile |
 |
 |
50th-26th
Percentile |
 |
 |
25th-1st
Percentile |
| METRO
AREAS BY RANK |
| Rank |
Metro Area |
Score |
| 1 |
Denver |
11.7 |
| 2 |
Atlanta |
11.2 |
| 3 |
Dallas |
11.2 |
| 4 |
Las Vegas |
11.1 |
| 5 |
Phoenix |
11.0 |
| 6 |
San Diego |
10.9 |
| 7 |
Salt Lake City |
10.9 |
| 8 |
Houston |
10.9 |
| 9 |
Nashville |
10.8 |
| 10 |
Miami |
10.7 |
| 11 |
Los Angeles |
10.7 |
| 12 |
Minneapolis |
10.6 |
| 13 |
Austin |
10.5 |
| 14 |
Greensboro |
10.5 |
| 15 |
Washington |
10.3 |
| 16 |
Charlotte |
10.2 |
| 17 |
Chicago |
10.1 |
| 18 |
Louisville |
10.1 |
| 19 |
San Francisco |
10.1 |
| 20 |
St. Louis |
10.1 |
| 21 |
Jacksonville |
10.1 |
| 22 |
Raleigh-Durham |
10.1 |
| 23 |
New Orleans |
10.1 |
| 24 |
Indianapolis |
10.0 |
| 25 |
Dayton |
10.0 |
| 26 |
San Antonio |
10.0 |
| 27 |
Orlando |
10.0 |
| 28 |
Portland |
9.9 |
| 29 |
Tampa |
9.8 |
| 30 |
Richmond |
9.8 |
| 31 |
Kansas City |
9.8 |
| 32 |
Boston |
9.7 |
| 33 |
Buffalo |
9.6 |
| 34 |
Milwaukee |
9.6 |
| 35 |
Philadelphia |
9.6 |
| 36 |
Columbus |
9.6 |
| 37 |
Grand Rapids |
9.5 |
| 38 |
West Palm Beach |
9.5 |
| 39 |
Seattle |
9.4 |
| 40 |
Norfolk |
9.4 |
| 41 |
New York |
9.4 |
| 42 |
Oklahoma City |
9.4 |
| 43 |
Sacramento |
9.4 |
| 44 |
Cleveland |
9.3 |
| 45 |
Memphis |
9.2 |
| 46 |
Pittsburgh |
9.2 |
| 47 |
Hartford |
9.1 |
| 48 |
Detroit |
9.1 |
| 49 |
Cincinnati |
8.9 |
| 50 |
Rochester |
8.3 |
|
U.S. Average |
NA |
|
Top 50 Metro Average |
9.5 |
|
|
| ALPHABETICALLY |
| Metro Area |
Rank |
Score |
| Atlanta |
2 |
11.2 |
| Austin |
13 |
10.5 |
| Boston |
32 |
9.7 |
| Buffalo |
33 |
9.6 |
| Charlotte |
16 |
10.2 |
| Chicago |
17 |
10.1 |
| Cincinnati |
49 |
8.9 |
| Cleveland |
44 |
9.3 |
| Columbus |
36 |
9.6 |
| Dallas |
3 |
11.2 |
| Dayton |
25 |
10.0 |
| Denver |
1 |
11.7 |
| Detroit |
48 |
9.1 |
| Grand Rapids |
37 |
9.5 |
| Greensboro |
14 |
10.5 |
| Hartford |
47 |
9.1 |
| Houston |
8 |
10.9 |
| Indianapolis |
24 |
10.0 |
| Jacksonville |
21 |
10.1 |
| Kansas City |
31 |
9.8 |
| Las Vegas |
4 |
11.1 |
| Los Angeles |
11 |
10.7 |
| Louisville |
18 |
10.1 |
| Memphis |
45 |
9.2 |
| Miami |
10 |
10.7 |
| Milwaukee |
34 |
9.6 |
| Minneapolis |
12 |
10.6 |
| Nashville |
9 |
10.8 |
| New Orleans |
23 |
10.1 |
| New York |
41 |
9.4 |
| Norfolk |
40 |
9.4 |
| Oklahoma City |
42 |
9.4 |
| Orlando |
27 |
10.0 |
| Philadelphia |
35 |
9.6 |
| Phoenix |
5 |
11.0 |
| Pittsburgh |
46 |
9.2 |
| Portland |
28 |
9.9 |
| Raleigh-Durham |
22 |
10.1 |
| Richmond |
30 |
9.8 |
| Rochester |
50 |
8.3 |
| Sacramento |
43 |
9.4 |
| Salt Lake City |
7 |
10.9 |
| San Antonio |
26 |
10.0 |
| San Diego |
6 |
10.9 |
| San Francisco |
19 |
10.1 |
| Seattle |
39 |
9.4 |
| St. Louis |
20 |
10.1 |
| Tampa |
29 |
9.8 |
| Washington |
15 |
10.3 |
| West Palm Beach |
38 |
9.5 |
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Metro Index Home | Introduction
| Overview &
Methodology | The Rankings |
Summary of Results
Development Strategies | Data Sources
Metro Areas | Endnotes
| The Authors
The Progressive
Policy Institute (PPI)
Technology, Innovation, and New Economy Project
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